Xat January 2013: Verbal And Logical Ability Solved Question Paper

30 Questions | Total Attempts: 628

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Xat January 2013: Verbal And Logical Ability Solved Question Paper

Questions and Answers
  • 1. 
    Choose the most appropriate option after reading the following statements. Statements: 1. Whether due to haste or design, the new laws are marked by vagueness, leaving officials all down the organisation's bureaucratic chain great latitude in enforcing them. 2. The opacity of the language leaves the law open to manipulation on political grounds.
    • A. 

      Statement 2 can be induced from statement 1

    • B. 

      Statement 1 can be induced from statement 2

    • C. 

      Statement 2 can be deduced from statement 1

    • D. 

      Statement 1 can be deduced from statement 2

    • E. 

      Statements 1 and 2 are independent

  • 2. 
    Choose the most appropriate option after reading the following statements. Statements: 1. If there is any endeavour whose fruits should be freely available, that endeavour is surely publicly financed science. 2. There is a widespread feeling that the journal publishers who have mediated the scientific exchange for the past century or more are becoming an impediment to free distribution of knowledge. 3. Internet revolution is happening, making knowledge transfer cheaper. Technology permits it; researchers and politicians want it, more public money can be spent on it.
    • A. 

      Statement 2 definitely illustrates statement 1

    • B. 

      Statement 3 is a facilitating condition for statement 1

    • C. 

      Statement 3 states a condition under which statement 1 would be invalid

    • D. 

      Statement 2 can be deduced from statement 3 but independent of Statement 1

    • E. 

      Statement 1, 2 and 3 are necessarily independent

  • 3. 
    Choose the most appropriate option after reading the following statements. Statements: 1. Business schools are ideally positioned to point out when an action that provides a benefit for an individual comes at a cost to society, but in reality they rarely bother. 2. It is part of the malaise that has befallen the political debate on capitalism, which has been taken over by special interests and people who have no faith in a real market-based system. 3. When governments favour the private sector it is all too often by being "pro-business" rather than "pro-market", meaning that favourable conditions are provided to particular institutions rather than to institutions broadly.
    • A. 

      Statements 1 and 2 are necessarily dependent

    • B. 

      Statements 2 and 3 are necessarily dependent

    • C. 

      Statements 2 and 3 may be dependent

    • D. 

      Statements 1, 2 and 3 cannot be independent

    • E. 

      All the three statements are necessarily independent

  • 4. 
    Direction: Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate option that follows. ________ wolf, meeting with ________ lamb astray from ________ fold, resolved not to lay violent hands on him, but to find some plea to justify to ________ lamb ________ wolf's right to eat him.
    • A. 

      A, a, the, the, the

    • B. 

      The, a, the, a, the

    • C. 

      A, a, a, the, the

    • D. 

      The, the, the, the, the

    • E. 

      The, a, the, a, a

  • 5. 
    Direction: Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate option that follows. ________ bat who fell upon ________ ground and was caught by ________         weasel pleaded to be spared his life. ________ weasel refused, saying that he was by nature ________ enemy of all birds. ________ bat assured him that he was not ________ bird, but ________ mouse, and thus was set free.
    • A. 

      A, the, a, the, the, the, the, a

    • B. 

      A, the, a, the, a, the, a, a

    • C. 

      The, a, a, the, the, a, the, the

    • D. 

      A, the, a, the, the, the, a, a

    • E. 

      The, a, a, a, the, the, a, a

  • 6. 
    Direction: Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate option that follows. He got ________ next morning, to be sure, and had his meals ________ usual, though he are ________ and had more, I am afraid, than his usual supply of rum, for he helped himself ________ the bar, scowling and blowing ________ his nose, and no one dared ________ cross him.
    • A. 

      Down, like, a little, out of, out, to

    • B. 

      Down, as, little, out of, out, to

    • C. 

      Downstairs, as, little, out of, out of, through

    • D. 

      Downstairs, like, a little, out, of, to

    • E. 

      Down, like, a little, of, of, through

  • 7. 
    Read the following sentence and choose the best alternative which should replace the italicized part of the sentence. To be a great manager requires, strong inter-personal skills, the ability to think fast, and demands a can-do attitude.
    • A. 

      Requires strong inter-personal skills, the ability to think fast, and demands

    • B. 

      Requires strong inter-personal skills, the ability to think fast, and

    • C. 

      Requires strong inter-personal skills, demands the ability to think fast, and

    • D. 

      Requiring strong inter-personal skill, an ability to think fast, and demands

    • E. 

      Demands strong inter-personal skills, an ability to think fast, but with

  • 8. 
    Read the following sentence and choose the best alternative which should replace the italicized part of the sentence. The tremendous insight of Einstein was that the passage of time does not appear to be the same while standing still as it does to a person travelling at a speed which is a significant fraction of the speed of light.
    • A. 

      While standing still as it does to a person travelling

    • B. 

      To a person standing still as to a person travelling

    • C. 

      To a person who is standing still as a person who is travelling

    • D. 

      While standing still as to travelling

    • E. 

      To a person standing still as to a person who travels

  • 9. 
    Read the following sentence and choose the best alternative which should replace the italicized part of the sentence. Economic theory fails to explain the extent to which savings from personal income has shifted to short-term bonds, money- market funds, and other near-term investments by the instability in the futures market.
    • A. 

      To which savings from personal income has shifted

    • B. 

      Of savings from personal income that has been shifted

    • C. 

      Of savings from personal income shifting

    • D. 

      to which savings from personal income have shifted

    • E. 

      To which savings from personal income have been shifted

  • 10. 
    Read the following sentences and choose the option that best arranges them in a logical order. 1. I was scarcely in position ere my enemies began to arrive, seven or eight of them, running hard, their feet beating out of time along the road and the man with the lantern some paces in front. 2. My curiosity, in a sense, was stronger than my fear, for I could not remain where I was, but crept back to the bank again, whence, sheltering my head behind a bush of broom, I might command the road before our door. 3. Three men ran together, hand in hand; and I made out, even through the mist, that the middle man of this trio was the blind beggar. 4. The next moment his voice showed me that I was right.
    • A. 

      1, 2, 3, 4

    • B. 

      2, 1, 3, 4

    • C. 

      1, 2, 4, 3

    • D. 

      1, 3, 4, 2

    • E. 

      1, 4, 2, 3

  • 11. 
    Read the following sentences and choose the option that best arranges them in a logical order. 1. Finally he took a wrong turn and ran a few steps past me, towards the hamlet, crying, "Johnny, Black Dog, Dirk," and other names, "you won't leave old Pew, mates-not old Pew!" 2. This quarrel was the saving of us, for while it was still raging, another sound came from the top of the hill on the side of the hamlet-the tramp of horses galloping. 3. And that was plainly the last signal of danger, for, the buccaneers turned at once and ran, separating in every direction, one seaward along the cove, one slant across the hill, and so on, so that in half a minute not a sign of them remained but Pew. 4. Him they had deserted, whether in sheer panic or out of revenge for his ill words and blows I know not; but there he remained behind, tapping up and down the road in a frenzy, and groping and calling for his comrades. 5. Almost at the same time a pistol-shot, flash and report, came from the hedge side.
    • A. 

      5, 1, 3, 4, 2

    • B. 

      1, 2, 3, 5, 4

    • C. 

      2, 5, 3, 4, 1

    • D. 

      4, 3, 2, 5, 1

    • E. 

      2, 5, 4, 3, 1

  • 12. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. 'Whatever actions are done by an individual in different embodiments, [s] he reaps the fruit of those actions in those very bodies or embodiments (in future existences)". A belief in karma entails, among other things, a focus on long run consequences, i.e., a long term orientation. Such an orientation implies that people who believe in karma may be more honest with themselves in general and in setting expectations in particular-a hypothesis we examine here. This research is based on three simple premises. First, because lower expectations often lead to greater satisfaction, individuals in general, and especially those who are sensitive to the gap between performance and expectations, have the incentive to and actually do "strategically" lower their expectations. Second, individuals with a long term orientation are likely to be less inclined to lower expectations in the hope of temporarily feeling better. Third, long term orientation and the tendency to lower expectations are at least partially driven by cultural factors. In India, belief in karma, with its emphasis on a longer term orientation, will therefore to some extent counteract the tendency to lower expectations. The empirical results support our logic; those who believe more strongly in karma are less influenced by disconfirmation sensitivity and therefore have higher expectations. Consumers make choices based on expectations of how alternative options will perform (i.e., expected utility). Expectations about the quality of a product also play a central role in subsequent satisfaction. These expectations may be based on a number of factors including the quality of a typical brand in a category, advertised quality, and disconfirmation sensitivity. Recent evidence suggests that consumers, who are more disconfirmation sensitive (i.e., consumers who are more satisfied when products perform better than expected or more, dissatisfied when products perform worse than expected) have lower expectations. However, there is little research concerning the role of culture- specific variables in expectation formation, particularly how they relate to the impact of disconfirmation sensitivity on consumer expectations. Consider the following assertion and conclusion: Assertion: The meaning of karma in the above passage (refers to first two lines of the paragraph in italics). Conclusion: Belief that long term consequences are important. Now read the following statements carefully: 1. The conclusion will always follow the assertion. 2. The conclusion may follow the assertion. 3. The conclusion may follow the assertion only if an individual lives long enough. 4. The conclusion cannot follow the assertion. Which of the following statement(s) is correct?
    • A. 

      1 only

    • B. 

      1 and 2

    • C. 

      2 only

    • D. 

      3 only

    • E. 

      4 only

  • 13. 
    Read the following sentences and choose the option that best arranges them in a logical order. 1. As chroniclers of an incremental process, they discover that additional research makes it harder, not easier, to answer questions like: When was oxygen discovered? Who first conceived of energy conservation? 2. Simultaneously, these same historians confront growing difficulties in distinguishing the "scientific" component of past observation and belief from what their predecessors had readily labelled "error" and "superstition". 3. Increasingly, a few of them suspect that these are simply the wrong sorts of questions to ask. Perhaps science does not develop by the accumulation of individual discoveries and inventions. 4. In recent years, however, a few historians of science have been finding it more and more difficult to fulfill the functions that the concept of development-by- accumulation assigns to them.
    • A. 

      2, 1, 3, 4

    • B. 

      4, 3, 1, 2

    • C. 

      4, 2, 3, 1

    • D. 

      4, 3, 2, 1

    • E. 

      4, 1, 3, 2

  • 14. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. 'Whatever actions are done by an individual in different embodiments, [s] he reaps the fruit of those actions in those very bodies or embodiments (in future existences)". A belief in karma entails, among other things, a focus on long run consequences, i.e., a long term orientation. Such an orientation implies that people who believe in karma may be more honest with themselves in general and in setting expectations in particular-a hypothesis we examine here. This research is based on three simple premises. First, because lower expectations often lead to greater satisfaction, individuals in general, and especially those who are sensitive to the gap between performance and expectations, have the incentive to and actually do "strategically" lower their expectations. Second, individuals with a long term orientation are likely to be less inclined to lower expectations in the hope of temporarily feeling better. Third, long term orientation and the tendency to lower expectations are at least partially driven by cultural factors. In India, belief in karma, with its emphasis on a longer term orientation, will therefore to some extent counteract the tendency to lower expectations. The empirical results support our logic; those who believe more strongly in karma are less influenced by disconfirmation sensitivity and therefore have higher expectations. Consumers make choices based on expectations of how alternative options will perform (i.e., expected utility). Expectations about the quality of a product also play a central role in subsequent satisfaction. These expectations may be based on a number of factors including the quality of a typical brand in a category, advertised quality, and disconfirmation sensitivity. Recent evidence suggests that consumers, who are more disconfirmation sensitive (i.e., consumers who are more satisfied when products perform better than expected or more, dissatisfied when products perform worse than expected) have lower expectations. However, there is little research concerning the role of culture- specific variables in expectation formation, particularly how they relate to the impact of disconfirmation sensitivity on consumer expectations. "Future existences" in the first paragraph can refer to: 1. Human life, 5 years afterwards 2. Next, birth in human form 3. Next birth in any embodiment Which of the following statement(s) is correct?
    • A. 

      1, 2

    • B. 

      2, 3

    • C. 

      1, 3

    • D. 

      2 only

    • E. 

      None of the three

  • 15. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. 'Whatever actions are done by an individual in different embodiments, [s] he reaps the fruit of those actions in those very bodies or embodiments (in future existences)". A belief in karma entails, among other things, a focus on long run consequences, i.e., a long term orientation. Such an orientation implies that people who believe in karma may be more honest with themselves in general and in setting expectations in particular-a hypothesis we examine here. This research is based on three simple premises. First, because lower expectations often lead to greater satisfaction, individuals in general, and especially those who are sensitive to the gap between performance and expectations, have the incentive to and actually do "strategically" lower their expectations. Second, individuals with a long term orientation are likely to be less inclined to lower expectations in the hope of temporarily feeling better. Third, long term orientation and the tendency to lower expectations are at least partially driven by cultural factors. In India, belief in karma, with its emphasis on a longer term orientation, will therefore to some extent counteract the tendency to lower expectations. The empirical results support our logic; those who believe more strongly in karma are less influenced by disconfirmation sensitivity and therefore have higher expectations. Consumers make choices based on expectations of how alternative options will perform (i.e., expected utility). Expectations about the quality of a product also play a central role in subsequent satisfaction. These expectations may be based on a number of factors including the quality of a typical brand in a category, advertised quality, and disconfirmation sensitivity. Recent evidence suggests that consumers, who are more disconfirmation sensitive (i.e., consumers who are more satisfied when products perform better than expected or more, dissatisfied when products perform worse than expected) have lower expectations. However, there is little research concerning the role of culture- specific variables in expectation formation, particularly how they relate to the impact of disconfirmation sensitivity on consumer expectations. Which of the following statements, if true, would contradict the first of the three premises mentioned in the first paragraph?
    • A. 

      Higher satisfaction leads to lower expectation

    • B. 

      Lower expectation leads to long term consequences

    • C. 

      Satisfaction depends on achievement and not on expectation

    • D. 

      Karma affects our immediate feelings

    • E. 

      Lower expectation would lead to lower efforts

  • 16. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. 'Whatever actions are done by an individual in different embodiments, [s] he reaps the fruit of those actions in those very bodies or embodiments (in future existences)". A belief in karma entails, among other things, a focus on long run consequences, i.e., a long term orientation. Such an orientation implies that people who believe in karma may be more honest with themselves in general and in setting expectations in particular-a hypothesis we examine here. This research is based on three simple premises. First, because lower expectations often lead to greater satisfaction, individuals in general, and especially those who are sensitive to the gap between performance and expectations, have the incentive to and actually do "strategically" lower their expectations. Second, individuals with a long term orientation are likely to be less inclined to lower expectations in the hope of temporarily feeling better. Third, long term orientation and the tendency to lower expectations are at least partially driven by cultural factors. In India, belief in karma, with its emphasis on a longer term orientation, will therefore to some extent counteract the tendency to lower expectations. The empirical results support our logic; those who believe more strongly in karma are less influenced by disconfirmation sensitivity and therefore have higher expectations. Consumers make choices based on expectations of how alternative options will perform (i.e., expected utility). Expectations about the quality of a product also play a central role in subsequent satisfaction. These expectations may be based on a number of factors including the quality of a typical brand in a category, advertised quality, and disconfirmation sensitivity. Recent evidence suggests that consumers, who are more disconfirmation sensitive (i.e., consumers who are more satisfied when products perform better than expected or more, dissatisfied when products perform worse than expected) have lower expectations. However, there is little research concerning the role of culture- specific variables in expectation formation, particularly how they relate to the impact of disconfirmation sensitivity on consumer expectations. Read the following statements carefully: 1. Temporary feelings and law of karma are independent. 2. As per theory of karma, temporary feelings would not lower the expectation. 3. Temporary feelings and law of karma are contradictory. Which of the following combinations, of statements is consistent with the second premise?
    • A. 

      1 only

    • B. 

      1 and 2

    • C. 

      1 and 3

    • D. 

      3 only

    • E. 

      1, 2 and 3

  • 17. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. 'Whatever actions are done by an individual in different embodiments, [s] he reaps the fruit of those actions in those very bodies or embodiments (in future existences)". A belief in karma entails, among other things, a focus on long run consequences, i.e., a long term orientation. Such an orientation implies that people who believe in karma may be more honest with themselves in general and in setting expectations in particular-a hypothesis we examine here. This research is based on three simple premises. First, because lower expectations often lead to greater satisfaction, individuals in general, and especially those who are sensitive to the gap between performance and expectations, have the incentive to and actually do "strategically" lower their expectations. Second, individuals with a long term orientation are likely to be less inclined to lower expectations in the hope of temporarily feeling better. Third, long term orientation and the tendency to lower expectations are at least partially driven by cultural factors. In India, belief in karma, with its emphasis on a longer term orientation, will therefore to some extent counteract the tendency to lower expectations. The empirical results support our logic; those who believe more strongly in karma are less influenced by disconfirmation sensitivity and therefore have higher expectations. Consumers make choices based on expectations of how alternative options will perform (i.e., expected utility). Expectations about the quality of a product also play a central role in subsequent satisfaction. These expectations may be based on a number of factors including the quality of a typical brand in a category, advertised quality, and disconfirmation sensitivity. Recent evidence suggests that consumers, who are more disconfirmation sensitive (i.e., consumers who are more satisfied when products perform better than expected or more, dissatisfied when products perform worse than expected) have lower expectations. However, there is little research concerning the role of culture- specific variables in expectation formation, particularly how they relate to the impact of disconfirmation sensitivity on consumer expectations. A manager went out to have dinner in a restaurant and found the food to be good. When asked to provide feedback on the quality of food, the manager rated the quality as "excellent". Which of the following can be concluded from this?
    • A. 

      The manager does not believe in karma

    • B. 

      The manager definitely has disconfirmation sensitivity

    • C. 

      It is not possible to comment on the disconfirmation sensitivity of the manager

    • D. 

      The manager does not have disconfirmation sensitivity

    • E. 

      None of the above

  • 18. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. An example of scientist who could measure without instruments is Enrico Fermi (1901-1954), a physicist who won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1938. He had a well-developed knack for intuitive, even casual-sounding measurements. One renowned example of his measurement skills was demonstrated at the first detonation of the atom bomb, the Trinity Test site, on July 16, 1945, where he was one of the atomic scientists observing the blast from base camp. While final adjustments were being made to instruments used to measure the yield of the blast, Fermi was making confetti out of a page of notebook paper. As the wind from the initial blast wave began to blow through the camp, he slowly dribbled the confetti into the air, observing how far back it was scattered by the blast (taking the farthest scattered pieces as being the peak of the pressure wave). Fermi concluded that the yield must be greater than 10 kilotons. This would have been news, since other initial observers of the blast did not know that lower limit. After much analysis of the instrument readings, the final yield estimate was determined to be 18.6 kilotons. Like Eratosthenes, Fermi was aware of a rule relating one simple observation-the scattering of confetti in the wind-to a quantity he wanted to measure. The value of quick estimates was something Fermi was familiar with throughout his career. He was famous for teaching his students skills at approximation of fanciful-sounding quantities that, at first glance, they might presume they knew nothing about. The best-known example of such a "Fermi question" was Fermi asking his students to estimate the number of piano tuners in Chicago, when no one knows the answer. His students-science and engineering majors-would begin by saying that they could not possibly know anything about such a quantity. Of course, some solutions would be to simply do a count of every piano tuner perhaps by looking up advertisements, checking with a licensing agency of some sort, and so on. But Fermi was trying to teach his students how to solve problems where the ability to confirm the results would not be so easy. He wanted them to figure out that they knew something about the quantity in question. Suppose you apply the same logic as Fermi applied to confetti, which of the following statements would be the most appropriate?
    • A. 

      You can calculate the minimum pressure inside the cooker by calculating the maximum distance travelled by any of its parts after it explodes

    • B. 

      You can calculate the average potency of a fire cracker by calculating the distance covered by one of its bigger fragments

    • C. 

      You can easily find out the average potency of an earthquake by measuring the length of a crack it makes on the surface of the earth

    • D. 

      You can calculate the exact volume of water stored in a tank by measuring the distance covered by the stream of water coming out of the tap fixed on the lower corner of the tank

    • E. 

      All of the above conclusions can be drawn

  • 19. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. An example of scientist who could measure without instruments is Enrico Fermi (1901-1954), a physicist who won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1938. He had a well-developed knack for intuitive, even casual-sounding measurements. One renowned example of his measurement skills was demonstrated at the first detonation of the atom bomb, the Trinity Test site, on July 16, 1945, where he was one of the atomic scientists observing the blast from base camp. While final adjustments were being made to instruments used to measure the yield of the blast, Fermi was making confetti out of a page of notebook paper. As the wind from the initial blast wave began to blow through the camp, he slowly dribbled the confetti into the air, observing how far back it was scattered by the blast (taking the farthest scattered pieces as being the peak of the pressure wave). Fermi concluded that the yield must be greater than 10 kilotons. This would have been news, since other initial observers of the blast did not know that lower limit. After much analysis of the instrument readings, the final yield estimate was determined to be 18.6 kilotons. Like Eratosthenes, Fermi was aware of a rule relating one simple observation-the scattering of confetti in the wind-to a quantity he wanted to measure. The value of quick estimates was something Fermi was familiar with throughout his career. He was famous for teaching his students skills at approximation of fanciful-sounding quantities that, at first glance, they might presume they knew nothing about. The best-known example of such a "Fermi question" was Fermi asking his students to estimate the number of piano tuners in Chicago, when no one knows the answer. His students-science and engineering majors-would begin by saying that they could not possibly know anything about such a quantity. Of course, some solutions would be to simply do a count of every piano tuner perhaps by looking up advertisements, checking with a licensing agency of some sort, and so on. But Fermi was trying to teach his students how to solve problems where the ability to confirm the results would not be so easy. He wanted them to figure out that they knew something about the quantity in question. Quick estimate, as per Fermi, is most useful in:
    • A. 

      In finding an approximate that is more useful than existing values

    • B. 

      In finding out the exact minimum value of an estimate

    • C. 

      In finding out the exact maximum value of an estimate

    • D. 

      In finding out the range of values of an estimate

    • E. 

      In finding out the average value of an estimate

  • 20. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. An example of scientist who could measure without instruments is Enrico Fermi (1901-1954), a physicist who won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1938. He had a well-developed knack for intuitive, even casual-sounding measurements. One renowned example of his measurement skills was demonstrated at the first detonation of the atom bomb, the Trinity Test site, on July 16, 1945, where he was one of the atomic scientists observing the blast from base camp. While final adjustments were being made to instruments used to measure the yield of the blast, Fermi was making confetti out of a page of notebook paper. As the wind from the initial blast wave began to blow through the camp, he slowly dribbled the confetti into the air, observing how far back it was scattered by the blast (taking the farthest scattered pieces as being the peak of the pressure wave). Fermi concluded that the yield must be greater than 10 kilotons. This would have been news, since other initial observers of the blast did not know that lower limit. After much analysis of the instrument readings, the final yield estimate was determined to be 18.6 kilotons. Like Eratosthenes, Fermi was aware of a rule relating one simple observation-the scattering of confetti in the wind-to a quantity he wanted to measure. The value of quick estimates was something Fermi was familiar with throughout his career. He was famous for teaching his students skills at approximation of fanciful-sounding quantities that, at first glance, they might presume they knew nothing about. The best-known example of such a "Fermi question" was Fermi asking his students to estimate the number of piano tuners in Chicago, when no one knows the answer. His students-science and engineering majors-would begin by saying that they could not possibly know anything about such a quantity. Of course, some solutions would be to simply do a count of every piano tuner perhaps by looking up advertisements, checking with a licensing agency of some sort, and so on. But Fermi was trying to teach his students how to solve problems where the ability to confirm the results would not be so easy. He wanted them to figure out that they knew something about the quantity in question. Given below are some statements that attempt to capture the central idea of the passage: 1. It is useful to estimate; even when the exact answer is known. 2. It is possible to estimate any physical quantity. 3. It is possible to estimate the number of units of a newly launched car that can be sold in a city. 4. Fermi was a genius. Which of the following statement(s) best captures the central idea?
    • A. 

      1, 2 and 4

    • B. 

      2, 3 and 4

    • C. 

      2 and 3

    • D. 

      2 only

    • E. 

      1, 2 and 3

  • 21. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for these questions. An example of scientist who could measure without instruments is Enrico Fermi (1901-1954), a physicist who won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1938. He had a well-developed knack for intuitive, even casual-sounding measurements. One renowned example of his measurement skills was demonstrated at the first detonation of the atom bomb, the Trinity Test site, on July 16, 1945, where he was one of the atomic scientists observing the blast from base camp. While final adjustments were being made to instruments used to measure the yield of the blast, Fermi was making confetti out of a page of notebook paper. As the wind from the initial blast wave began to blow through the camp, he slowly dribbled the confetti into the air, observing how far back it was scattered by the blast (taking the farthest scattered pieces as being the peak of the pressure wave). Fermi concluded that the yield must be greater than 10 kilotons. This would have been news, since other initial observers of the blast did not know that lower limit. After much analysis of the instrument readings, the final yield estimate was determined to be 18.6 kilotons. Like Eratosthenes, Fermi was aware of a rule relating one simple observation-the scattering of confetti in the wind-to a quantity he wanted to measure. The value of quick estimates was something Fermi was familiar with throughout his career. He was famous for teaching his students skills at approximation of fanciful-sounding quantities that, at first glance, they might presume they knew nothing about. The best-known example of such a "Fermi question" was Fermi asking his students to estimate the number of piano tuners in Chicago, when no one knows the answer. His students-science and engineering majors-would begin by saying that they could not possibly know anything about such a quantity. Of course, some solutions would be to simply do a count of every piano tuner perhaps by looking up advertisements, checking with a licensing agency of some sort, and so on. But Fermi was trying to teach his students how to solve problems where the ability to confirm the results would not be so easy. He wanted them to figure out that they knew something about the quantity in question. Read the statements given below: 1. Atomic bomb detonation was a result of Fermi's Nobel Prize contribution. 2. Fermi's students respected him as a scientist. 3. Yield of atomic bomb can only be measured in Kilotons. Which of the following statement(s) can be inferred from the passage?
    • A. 

      1, 2

    • B. 

      2, 3

    • C. 

      1, 3

    • D. 

      2 only

    • E. 

      One of the three statements is correct

  • 22. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for the questions. Soros, we must note, has never been a champion of free market capitalism. He has followed for nearly all his public life the political ideas of the late Sir Karl Popper who laid out a rather jumbled case for what he dubbed "the open society" in his The Open Society and Its Enemies (1953). Such a society is what we ordinarily call the pragmatic system in which politicians get involved in people's lives but without any heavy theoretical machinery to guide them, simply as the ad hoc parental authorities who are believed to be needed to keep us all on the straight and narrow. Popper was at one time a Marxist socialist but became disillusioned with that idea because he came to believe that systematic ideas do not work in any area of human concern. The Popperian open society Soros promotes is characterised by a very general policy of having no firm principles, not even those needed for it to have some constancy and integrity. This makes the open society a rather wobbly idea, since even what Popper himself regarded as central to all human thinking, critical rationalism, may be undermined by the openness of the open society since its main target is negative: avoid dogmatic thinking, and avoid anything that even comes close to a set of unbreachable principles. No, the open society is open to anything at all, at least for experimental purposes. No holds are barred, which, if you think about it, undermines even that very idea and becomes unworkable. Accordingly, in a society Soros regards suited to human community living, the state can manipulate many aspects of human life, including, of course, the economic behaviour of individuals and firms. It can control the money' supply, impose wage and price controls, dabble in demand or supply side economics, and do nearly everything a central planning board might- provided it does not settle into anyone policy firmly, unbendingly. That is the gist of Soros's Popperian politics. Soros distrusts capitalism In particular, because of the alleged inadequacy of neoclassical economics, the technical economic underpinnings of capitalist thinking offered up in many university economics departments. He, like many others outside and even inside the economics discipline, finds the arid reductionism of this social science false to the facts, and rightly so. But the defence of capitalist free markets does not rest on this position. Neo-classical thinking depends in large part on the 18th-and-19th century belief that human society operates according to laws, not unlike those that govern the physical universe. Most of social science embraced that faith, so economics isn't unusual in its loyalty to classical mechanics. Nor do all economists take the deterministic lawfulness of economic science literally-some understand that the laws begin to operate only once people embark upon economic pursuits. Outside their commercial ventures, people can follow different principles and priorities, even if it is undeniable that most of their endeavours have economic features. Yet, it would be foolish to construe religion or romance or even scientific inquiry as solely explicable by reference to the laws of economics. In his criticism of neo-classical economic science, then, George Soros has a point: the discipline is too dependent on Newtonian physics as the model of science. As a result, the predictions of economists who look at markets as if they were machines need to be taken with a grain of salt. Some-for example the school of Austrian economists-have made exactly that point against the neo- classical. Soros draws a mistaken inference: if one defence of the market is flawed, the market lacks defence. This is wrong. If it is true that from A we can infer B, it does not prove that Bean only be inferred from A; C or Z, too, might be a reason for B. According to the author which of the following statements could be true about critical rationalism.
    • A. 

      Ideas of critical rationalism underpin the foundation of neo- classical economics

    • B. 

      Ideas of critical rationalism underpin the foundation of laissez- faire

    • C. 

      Ideas of critical rationalism underpin the foundation of open society

    • D. 

      Ideas of critical rationalism underpin the foundation of Newtonian physics

    • E. 

      None of the above

  • 23. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for the questions. Soros, we must note, has never been a champion of free market capitalism. He has followed for nearly all his public life the political ideas of the late Sir Karl Popper who laid out a rather jumbled case for what he dubbed "the open society" in his The Open Society and Its Enemies (1953). Such a society is what we ordinarily call the pragmatic system in which politicians get involved in people's lives but without any heavy theoretical machinery to guide them, simply as the ad hoc parental authorities who are believed to be needed to keep us all on the straight and narrow. Popper was at one time a Marxist socialist but became disillusioned with that idea because he came to believe that systematic ideas do not work in any area of human concern. The Popperian open society Soros promotes is characterised by a very general policy of having no firm principles, not even those needed for it to have some constancy and integrity. This makes the open society a rather wobbly idea, since even what Popper himself regarded as central to all human thinking, critical rationalism, may be undermined by the openness of the open society since its main target is negative: avoid dogmatic thinking, and avoid anything that even comes close to a set of unbreachable principles. No, the open society is open to anything at all, at least for experimental purposes. No holds are barred, which, if you think about it, undermines even that very idea and becomes unworkable. Accordingly, in a society Soros regards suited to human community living, the state can manipulate many aspects of human life, including, of course, the economic behaviour of individuals and firms. It can control the money' supply, impose wage and price controls, dabble in demand or supply side economics, and do nearly everything a central planning board might- provided it does not settle into anyone policy firmly, unbendingly. That is the gist of Soros's Popperian politics. Soros distrusts capitalism In particular, because of the alleged inadequacy of neoclassical economics, the technical economic underpinnings of capitalist thinking offered up in many university economics departments. He, like many others outside and even inside the economics discipline, finds the arid reductionism of this social science false to the facts, and rightly so. But the defence of capitalist free markets does not rest on this position. Neo-classical thinking depends in large part on the 18th-and-19th century belief that human society operates according to laws, not unlike those that govern the physical universe. Most of social science embraced that faith, so economics isn't unusual in its loyalty to classical mechanics. Nor do all economists take the deterministic lawfulness of economic science literally-some understand that the laws begin to operate only once people embark upon economic pursuits. Outside their commercial ventures, people can follow different principles and priorities, even if it is undeniable that most of their endeavours have economic features. Yet, it would be foolish to construe religion or romance or even scientific inquiry as solely explicable by reference to the laws of economics. In his criticism of neo-classical economic science, then, George Soros has a point: the discipline is too dependent on Newtonian physics as the model of science. As a result, the predictions of economists who look at markets as if they were machines need to be taken with a grain of salt. Some-for example the school of Austrian economists-have made exactly that point against the neo- classical. Soros draws a mistaken inference: if one defence of the market is flawed, the market lacks defence. This is wrong. If it is true that from A we can infer B, it does not prove that Bean only be inferred from A; C or Z, too, might be a reason for B. As per the paragraph, author believes that
    • A. 

      Free market capitalism can be explained using neo-classical economics

    • B. 

      Neo-c1assical economics does not address the idea of free-market system

    • C. 

      Free market capitalism and open society are not different from each other

    • D. 

      Free market capitalism and laissez-faire are not different from each other

    • E. 

      Technical underpinning of neo- classical economics can address the idea of laissez-faire

  • 24. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage and provide appropriate answers for the questions. Soros, we must note, has never been a champion of free market capitalism. He has followed for nearly all his public life the political ideas of the late Sir Karl Popper who laid out a rather jumbled case for what he dubbed "the open society" in his The Open Society and Its Enemies (1953). Such a society is what we ordinarily call the pragmatic system in which politicians get involved in people's lives but without any heavy theoretical machinery to guide them, simply as the ad hoc parental authorities who are believed to be needed to keep us all on the straight and narrow. Popper was at one time a Marxist socialist but became disillusioned with that idea because he came to believe that systematic ideas do not work in any area of human concern. The Popperian open society Soros promotes is characterised by a very general policy of having no firm principles, not even those needed for it to have some constancy and integrity. This makes the open society a rather wobbly idea, since even what Popper himself regarded as central to all human thinking, critical rationalism, may be undermined by the openness of the open society since its main target is negative: avoid dogmatic thinking, and avoid anything that even comes close to a set of unbreachable principles. No, the open society is open to anything at all, at least for experimental purposes. No holds are barred, which, if you think about it, undermines even that very idea and becomes unworkable. Accordingly, in a society Soros regards suited to human community living, the state can manipulate many aspects of human life, including, of course, the economic behaviour of individuals and firms. It can control the money' supply, impose wage and price controls, dabble in demand or supply side economics, and do nearly everything a central planning board might- provided it does not settle into anyone policy firmly, unbendingly. That is the gist of Soros's Popperian politics. Soros distrusts capitalism In particular, because of the alleged inadequacy of neoclassical economics, the technical economic underpinnings of capitalist thinking offered up in many university economics departments. He, like many others outside and even inside the economics discipline, finds the arid reductionism of this social science false to the facts, and rightly so. But the defence of capitalist free markets does not rest on this position. Neo-classical thinking depends in large part on the 18th-and-19th century belief that human society operates according to laws, not unlike those that govern the physical universe. Most of social science embraced that faith, so economics isn't unusual in its loyalty to classical mechanics. Nor do all economists take the deterministic lawfulness of economic science literally-some understand that the laws begin to operate only once people embark upon economic pursuits. Outside their commercial ventures, people can follow different principles and priorities, even if it is undeniable that most of their endeavours have economic features. Yet, it would be foolish to construe religion or romance or even scientific inquiry as solely explicable by reference to the laws of economics. In his criticism of neo-classical economic science, then, George Soros has a point: the discipline is too dependent on Newtonian physics as the model of science. As a result, the predictions of economists who look at markets as if they were machines need to be taken with a grain of salt. Some-for example the school of Austrian economists-have made exactly that point against the neo- classical. Soros draws a mistaken inference: if one defence of the market is flawed, the market lacks defence. This is wrong. If it is true that from A we can infer B, it does not prove that Bean only be inferred from A; C or Z, too, might be a reason for B. As per the paragraph, which of the following statements is true?
    • A. 

      Economic benefits of open society and laissez-faire are same

    • B. 

      Soros' open society means no interference from the government

    • C. 

      Free market capitalism means no interference from the government

    • D. 

      Laws of economics are not capable of explaining the human nature completely

    • E. 

      Laws of economics capture the human nature completely as most of the human endeavours are economic in nature

  • 25. 
    Direction: Analyse the following passage, and provide appropriate answers for the questions. Popper claimed, scientific beliefs are universal in character, and have to be so if they are to serve us in explanation and prediction. For the universality of a scientific belief implies that, no matter how many instances we have found positive, there will always be an indefinite number of unexamined instances which may or may not also be positive. We have no good reason for supposing that any of these unexamined instances will be positive; or will be negative, so we must refrain from drawing any conclusions. On the other hand, a single negative instance is sufficient to prove that the belief is false, for such an instance is logically incompatible with the universal truth of the belief. Provided, therefore, that the instance is accepted as negative we must conclude that the scientific belief is false. In short, we can sometimes deduce that a universal scientific belief is false but we can never induce that a universal scientific belief is true. It is sometimes argued that this 'asymmetry' between verification and falsification is not nearly as pronounced as Popper declared it to be. Thus, there is no inconsistency in holding that a universal scientific belief is false despite any number of positive instances; and there is no inconsistency either in holding that a universal scientific belief is true despite the evidence of a negative instance. For the belief that an instance is negative is itself a scientific belief and may be falsified by experimental evidence, which we accept and which is inconsistent with it. When, for example, we draw a right- angled triangle on the surface of a sphere using parts of three great circles for its sides, and discover that for this triangle Pythagoras' Theorem does not hold, we may decide that this apparently negative instance is not really negative because it is not a genuine instance at all. Triangles drawn on the surfaces of spheres are not the sort of triangles which fall within the scope of Pythagoras' Theorem. Falsification, that is to say, is no more capable of yielding conclusive rejections of scientific belief than verification is of yielding conclusive acceptances of scientific beliefs. The asymmetry between falsification and verification, therefore, has less logical significance than Popper supposed. We should, though, resist this reasoning. Falsifications may not be conclusive, for the acceptances on which rejections are based are always provisional acceptances. But, nevertheless, it remains the case that, in falsification, if we accept falsifying claims then, to remain consistent, we must reject falsified claims. On the other hand, although verifications are also not conclusive, our acceptance or rejection of verifying instances has no implications concerning the acceptance or rejection of verified claims. Falsifying claims sometimes give us a good reason for rejecting a scientific belief, namely when the claims are accepted. But verifying claims, even when accepted, give us no good and appropriate reason for accepting any scientific belief, because any such reason would have to be inductive to be appropriate and there are no good inductive reasons. The statement, "this 'asymmetry' between verification and falsification is not nearly as pronounced as Popper declared it to be", implies that
    • A. 

      Falsification is better than verification in universal acceptance of scientific beliefs

    • B. 

      Verification is better than falsification in universal acceptance of scientific beliefs

    • C. 

      Both falsification and verification together can result in universal acceptance of scientific beliefs

    • D. 

      Capability of falsification in acceptance of scientific beliefs is not better than that of verification in rejection of scientific beliefs

    • E. 

      Capability of falsification in rejection of scientific beliefs is not always better than that of verification in acceptance of scientific beliefs

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